This paper analyzes the different perspectives around race-based admission policies in South African universities and the outcomes of their implementation.
Race has over the years been a key feature of admissions in South African universi- ties. Under apartheid, universities used race-based admission policies to exclude the majority of Black students from access to higher education in general, and from
well-resourced historically white universities in particular. Drawing from the constitu- tion, which advocates for “fair discrimination,” or affirmative action, universities in the postapartheid era developed inclusive race-based policies aimed at redressing these inequities. The government set targets for the number of Black students for universities to admit, which, by doing so, deracialize and diversify their student demographics. The implementation of these policies has not been without challenges. There were those who argued that raced-based policies led to the lowering of standards and advocated for merit-based admission policies. On the other hand, some argued that unless race- based quotas and targets were set, universities would remain unchanged and untrans- formed. This article provides an analysis of these opposing perspectives.
The Case for Race-Based Admission Policies
Those who support race-based admission policies invoke the constitution, which man- dates the necessity of radical action in the context of “deeply rooted informal racial discrimination.” When South Africa attained freedom in 1994, it inherited a highly frag- mented, inequitable and racially-divided higher education system with a participation rate (i.e., total number of enrolled students divided by total population in the 18–24 age cohort) of 17 percent. The inequities of the system found expression in higher education participation rates by racial group: only 9 percent of students were Black, despite Black South Africans constituting 80 percent of the country’s population. Colored students rep- resented 13 percent, and Indian students represented 40 percent of all students, while the majority of the students—70 percent—were white (despite them constituting just 10 percent of the country). The new dispensation decided that the only way to redress these inequities was to use race-based admission for those who met the academic re- quirements to enter university. In many historically white universities, admission targets for each racial group in some programs of study were set in order to provide access and improve participation in programs which other racial groups were previously excluded from. Such an approach was viewed by the opponents of race-based admission poli- cies as unfair. They argued that it would lead to the decline of quality and standards.
The Case for Merit-Based Admission Policies to Preserve Quality and Autonomy
Arguments for merit-based admission policies with particular focus on quality, univer- sity autonomy, and noninterference in the business of universities surfaced. In other words, universities have moral obligations to admit only qualified students irrespective of race. Some of the top historically white universities have experienced pressure to ei- ther continue or discontinue race-based admission policies. These universities attract the best students in the country because of their reputation, and should thus drop race as a criterion in favor of academic performance. There is a view that the only way to transform these universities is to remove barriers of race created by apartheid. On the contrary, there is also fear that some universities will not transform unless the race card is played. The conflicting arguments put universities’ autonomy and internal policies re- garding quality and admission into question. While some universities claim to have trans- formed, for some of them there is no evidence that racial admission policy is effective.
The University of Cape Town’s Commission of Inquiry recommended a revised admission policy using alternative markers of disadvantage. This should include a combination of academic performance and disadvantage weightings such as school attended, parents’ and grandparents’ levels of education, et cetera, but not race.
This view seems to have marked a shift in the debate around admissions, which moved beyond race. Race as a category for defining redress has increasingly become unhelp- ful with the growth of the Black middle class since 1994. This group earns good salaries and can afford to send their children to good schools and can, therefore, no longer be regarded as candidates for redress policies.
This view also finds expression in the eligibility criteria for government-sponsored Student Financial Aid Scheme, where—in addition to academic criteria—not race but fi- nancial criterion is used, targeting students who come from households with income up to 350,000 South African rand per year (approximately USD 1,842). Those who come from households that receive government social security grants automatically qualify for funding.
The question is whether race-based admission policies have translated into the suc- cess of the beneficiaries of these policies. The statistics show a bleak picture demon- strating that access does not always translate to success. Studies conducted over the past two decades show that under one-third of students complete their programs in regulated time, while only one in three students graduate within four years. Research also shows a drop-out rate of 52 percent, which undermines the access gains of posta- partheid South Africa. South Africa’s graduation rate of 15 percent is among the lowest in the world. Financial reasons, students’ poor entry level, poor academic support, and pressure to provide families with financial support are some of the reasons for drop- ping out of universities.
There is a concern that race-based admission policies need to change. The recent chang- es in the country’s student population (Black Africans constituted 79.5 percent out of the country’s 1.068 million students in 2021) represent a good development, but in the long run might exclude other population groups. Literature suggests that affirmative action policy devalues the ability of excellent Black students to fairly compete. Seem- ingly, the majority of them experienced cognitive dissonance after gaining access to uni- versities based on their race. The “disadvantaged” groups feel empowered and would like to compete without the race factor. This position comes strongly in matters where Black students excel, and their performance is not judged on merit but is attributed to affirmative action. There are concerns that affirmative action is unfairly treating disad- vantaged white students and gives advantaged wealthy Black students preference even after they benefited from economic opportunities of the past 30 years. In this regard, there is a need to develop policies that look beyond race as a criterion for admission.
The discussion highlights the need for a balanced approach to admission policies in universities depending on the country. In South Africa, race continues to impact admis- sions to universities, however, it might be balanced with other factors of disadvantage in order to have a nuanced approach to the development and application of admission policies in universities. The use of race-based admission policies for future imperatives of redress, quality and sustainability in higher education remains contested.
Chika Sehoole is professor of higher education and dean of
the faculty of education at the University of Pretoria, South Africa.
E-mail: [email protected].
Samuel Kolawole Adeyemo is associate professor at the depart- ment of education management and policy studies, University of Pretoria, South Africa.
E-mail: [email protected].
Rakgadi Phatlane is faculty manager at the University of Pretoria, South Africa.
E-mail: [email protected].